Sneaking a Peak at The New York Times in China

The above sign currently appears near a newsstand at the Tsim Sha Tsui Star Ferry Pier in Hong Kong. It caught my eye since since The New York Times is not easy to read in mainland China, especially since it is blocked online.

Despite the challenges, here is one way the Times has tried to reach people in China as described by Heather Timmons:

Every time a new article appears on the Times’s Chinese language website, three or four copies of it appear on “mirror” sites scattered around the internet. While these mirrors, like this one of the company’s home page, are often quickly made inaccessible by censors, new ones crop up constantly, often made or sanctioned by the Times. The recent hacking attack on GitHub targeted a “mirror” of the New York Times’s Chinese-language site was not set up by the Times itself, but the strategy is the same—create a webpage that points readers in China to New York Times’ Chinese language content, and circumvents censors.

For more about the situation and other methods used by the Times, read the full article by Heather Timmons on Quartz.

Hanging Around at a Hong Kong Mall

An unusual sight now confronts people at the Miramar Shopping Centre in Hong Kong.

What do you see? At first, I thought it sort of looked like a squid or an octopus but the appendages weren't quite right. A more complete examination after stepping back provided the answer. It was of course a giant upside down rabbit.

Added note: More about MiRabbit, the "bubbly extra-terrestrial Easter bunny", and the "limited edition MiRabbit Mania selfie stick" can be found on the the mall's website here.

A Day of Good Air

Today as I left Zhongshan, the air was "good" by U.S. standards for the first time during my month-plus stay there. For what it's worth, Zhongshan's air is much better on average than many other cities in China.

Later in the day after a 3 hour trip which included my bag coming into contact with somebody else's inadvertently-dispersed liquid that smelled like fermented rotten prune juice, I was able to enjoy a blue sky with clouds elsewhere.

And as best I can tell, the air was "good" or close to it — not bad for Jordan Road in Hong Kong.

No Revolutions Today: A Yellow Umbrella in Zhongshan, China

Today I saw something I found especially thought-provoking due to what was being held and where it was being held. In front of me, two young women walked under a yellow umbrella in Zhongshan, the renamed birthplace of Chinese revolutionary Sun Yat-sen.

At a one point, a passing policeman on a motorcycle noticeably jerked his head to look at them, but he continued down the pedestrian street without turning back. No revolutions are likely now in Zhongshan, whatever yellow umbrellas mean across the river in nearby Hong Kong.

Dogs Where the Dogs Don't Go in Hong Kong

A recent post about dogs in Chongqing reminded me of a scene two months ago on Sharp Island in Hong Kong. Both a sign and how it was observed seemed to say something about Hong Kong's pet culture.

A Yellow Christmas in Hong Kong

When I spent some time in Hong Kong near the end of December, I saw many signs of the Christmas holiday throughout the city.

East Point City shopping mall in Hang Hau

Promotion in Tsim Sha Tsui

Cityplaza shopping mall in Taikoo Shing

Like the signs of Christmas I had seen in Fujian province, most were indicative of how the holiday has been embraced by many Chinese in a non-religious fashion.

A few other signs of the holiday in Hong Kong included an unusual theme though. Instead of the usual red and white Christmas colors, they often incorporated yellow, a color commonly used by those seeking fuller democratic rights in Hong Kong and who associate themselves with the Umbrella Movement or Umbrella Revolution. Although some uses of yellow may not have implied a political message, such as in the first photo above, some clearly did.

For example, on a shopping street in Mong Kok I was given a postcard expressing holiday cheer and the desire for "true universal suffrage".

Elsewhere, #UmbrellaRevolution stickers with the message "We are everywhere" were handed out.

And on Christmas Eve, some supporters of the Umbrella Movement were able to take advantage of Hong Kong closing several streets in Tsim Sha Tsui for the holiday, and they brought out the yellow.

So while Hong Kong's streets are no longer shut down by protests and the commercial side of the holidays predominated, Christmas still offered an opportunity for people to openly express that they have not given up the quest for universal suffrage—a special type of Hong Kong holiday spirit.

The Protests in Hong Kong: Assorted Links

I have recently come across a number of fascinating/intriguing/thought-provoking pieces about the continued protests in Hong Kong. Here are just a few of them:

1. For an eye-catching overview, see "30 Days Later: A Month of Hong Kong Pro-Democracy Protests in Photos" by Zhang Xuejian and Te-Ping Chen.

2. The South China Morning Post visited a university in Guangzhou to see how Hongkongers discuss the protests while studying in mainland China. One student said:

Many of us [Hongkongers] support and understand the students who remain in Admiralty, Causeway Bay and Mong Kok. So far, we haven't felt a taboo on talking about it on campus. But the conversations are usually only among the Hong Kong students. . . .

Some [mainland Chinese students] are curious and come to ask what's happening in Hong Kong when they see the pictures we spread through WeChat. But they just view the movement as useless political and social unrest. They say 'take care', but that's it. Few want to know anything more about why so many young Hong Kong people have taken to the streets.

3. Gwynn Guilford looks at the pragmatic and symbolic implications of Hongkongers' Cantonese language setting them apart:

In short, when a Mandarin-reader looks at the Cantonese words for “Umbrella Movement,” she sees a fairly innocuous and somewhat nonsensical phrase. When a Cantonese-reader looks at them, the same set of characters are a play on words meaning both “Chater Road Movement” and, literally, “Umbrella Fight Movement”—or, more abstractly, “Umbrella Fight-Against-CY Leung Movement.”

4. Jamie Kenny considers how the dynamics of the protests in Hong Kong may differ from those elsewhere in terms of the "enchantment" factor:

The protesters’ vulnerability has in fact been re-engineered as a force multiplier. On an average day, attendance does not exceed a few hundred, with crowds swelling in the evening, after part-time supporters are done with work or school. But numbers grow at moments of crisis and at any time the camp is believed to be under threat from the authorities. The effect is to make the camp untouchable, at least for now.

He also asks "How did people so young get to be so good at protest?". For his answer, which does not mention manipulative “external forces”, and more about the various dynamics at work in the protests, see here.

5. Finally, Julie Makinen focuses not on the protestors but on another key group:

When the demonstrations erupted in late September, many people — particularly leaders in Beijing — expected power brokers like [Asia's richest man, Li Ka-shing,] to come out firmly and forcefully against the sit-ins and call for a quick return to the status quo. After all, the territory's business elite has enjoyed a cozy and profitable relationship with government officials since the former British colony reverted to Chinese rule 17 years ago, reaping massive windfalls as closer ties with the mainland set the city's property market on fire and supercharged other sectors of the economy.

But that calculation may have underestimated the tycoons' support for Hong Kong's more Westernized traditions, and their distaste for its government leader, Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying.

See here for more about how Hong Kong's tycoons have largely kept silent about the protests and how they may not be united in their hopes.

A Very Different Protest in Mong Kok

Earlier this year at Sai Yeung Choi Street South in Mong Kok, Hong Kong, I saw police telling a street musician to stop his performance.



The musician's initial protests attracted the attention of additional police. Eventually, the musician left peacefully, though not happily.

That was about as tense a scene I had ever encountered in Mong Kok. I can't say I expected that later in the year I would be watching far tenser scenes in a video titled "Hong Kong protests: the battle for Mong Kok".

Graffiti Cat

Been reading and thinking a lot about Hong Kong lately—most of it rather heavy. For now, though, something lighter I saw in Hong Kong earlier this year:

Protesting as Hong Kongers

The protests in Hong Kong are about more than just democracy and touch on some issues which are not general to China but instead specific to Hong Kong. In "Are ‘Hong Kong people’ still Chinese? Depends on how you define ‘Chinese'" Alan Chin wrote:

To many in Hong Kong, then, “Chinese” may primarily mean a cultural, ethnic, or racial marker of identity rather than of political nationality. There are “Chinese” of various types who make up the majority population in Taiwan and Singapore, a significant percentage in Malaysia and Thailand, and large numbers around the world.

So when the demonstrators chant “Hong Kong People!” they are asserting that to be a citizen of Hong Kong is emphatically not the same as being Chinese. For the authorities in Beijing, this may send shivers down their spines.

In "Hong Kong’s young – fed up with high rents, few jobs – drive protests" Stuart Leavenworth wrote:

“To tell you the truth, we don’t want to be defined as Chinese people,” said Simon Wong, 24, one of several protesters McClatchy interviewed who made similar statements.

“I am not one of those people who thinks that Hong Kong can become independent,” he quickly added. “But Hong Kong is a special place, with a special autonomy. We just want them (Chinese leaders) to keep the promises they have made.” . . .

What would protesters want done if they had real democracy? Answers vary, but several young people complained about widening inequality and a Hong Kong economy that caters too much to tourists, many of them from the mainland. They come to shop – or at least window-shop – at the outlets for Cartier, Versace and other luxury brands that line many of Hong Kong’s boulevards.

“All of these fancy stores are for the tourists, they are not for us,” said protester Choi-Wing Tung, who’s 23. “They are driving up the rents for all of us.”

Read both articles for more about how many Hong Kongers identify themselves and what motivates them to protest.

Umbrellas and Tear Gas in Hong Kong

Tear gas and chaos: The images coming from Hong Kong are insane http://t.co/2b6hrcYrKx pic.twitter.com/GCQKD7t5C0
— BI MIL/DEF (@BI_Defense) September 28, 2014

Umbrella man. RT pic.twitter.com/udcC8WUeKZ
— Carrie Gracie (@BBCCarrie) September 28, 2014

Students trying to block MTR exit on rumors that lots of police are transported and entered Admiralty via subway. pic.twitter.com/d660x6m8vm
— Fiona Law (@law_fiona) September 28, 2014

Now, the function of #HK MTR is to transport police to HK Island #OccupyCentral pic.twitter.com/blX9Rnhk5W
— Badcanto (@Badcanto) September 28, 2014

LIVE: #OccupyCentral protesters have stood their ground despite police baton charges, tear gas http://t.co/BnfkMEqQM1 pic.twitter.com/6H0BrUZFdo
— SCMP News (@SCMP_News) September 28, 2014

5am. Mass sleep-in continues. pic.twitter.com/g2shtBp7Ol
— Venus Wu (@wu_venus) September 28, 2014

725am central HK. Chinese flag turned upside down by protesters. Standoff continues. No sign of police action pic.twitter.com/pJKhmCjlrS
— Andrew Stevens (@andrewcnn) September 28, 2014

7:30am. Good morning Hong Kong. pic.twitter.com/pApqO4GALW
— Venus Wu (@wu_venus) September 28, 2014

As morning breaks over Hong Kong, exhausted protesters still very much in control on the streets pic.twitter.com/hWXH11UVdS
— Jerome Taylor (@JeromeTaylor) September 28, 2014

Protesters at Admiralty are cleaning up the streets and collecting rubbish. pic.twitter.com/CfJzYeJsHQ
— Varsity CUHK (@varsitycuhk) September 29, 2014

Surreal Monday morning rush hour in Hong Kong. Eight lanes empty of traffic. pic.twitter.com/ucp3CtQKOy
— enda curran (@endacurran) September 28, 2014

LIVE: Secondary school kids in Kwai Tsing 'strike' to protest police action #OccupyCentral http://t.co/7ftMvCir5C pic.twitter.com/MbIQulkyfP
— SCMP News (@SCMP_News) September 29, 2014

This is Causeway Bay NOW. 人山人海 #UmbrellaRevolution #OccupyCausewayBay pic.twitter.com/rZFRWCVI7y
— Pearl Law (@pearldraws) September 29, 2014

CEO of ad agency with over 200 employees said it will not punish anyone who skips work to protest. (Apple Daily) pic.twitter.com/AzDjylSHPd
— Alan Wong (@byAlanWong) September 29, 2014

Police senior inspector negotiating with protesters. They in return ask her to explain why police use excessive force pic.twitter.com/QsH4KZ0hTH
— Varsity CUHK (@varsitycuhk) September 29, 2014

These are just a small portion of the striking tweets with images* about the protests in Hong from Sunday through mid-Monday.

Instead of providing any commentary, I will simply share Zoher Abdoolcarim "5 Takeaways from Weekend of Protests" (HT James Fallows):

1. The protests cut across Hong Kong society
2. This is as much about inequality as democracy
3. The difference between Hong Kong and mainland China is not just political
4. Beijing is clearly mismanaging the fringes of China’s empire
5. Hong Kong faces a tough fight ahead

Each of the points speak to much, and more detail about each of them can be found in the article on Time. Abdoolcarim concludes with:

Hong Kong—which, with its 7 million people, is just a tiny corner of China—can expect no quarter from Beijing over its fight for democracy.

*Images may not appear if you are viewing this post through a reader. See the post here.

"Let's Talk" and "Avatars of Nonviolence" in Hong Kong

While in Hong Kong earlier this year during January, I saw the following signs posted publicly in several locations by Hong Kong's government:

One sign said the closing date to "express your views" about "methods for selecting the chief executive in 2017" was May 3rd. After yesterday's announcement that Beijing will "filter" the possible candidates for the position of Hong Kong's top leader, some Hong Kong citizens still want to "talk and achieve universal suffrage", but they are "facing tough choices":

In the near future, the protests will achieve nothing, said Brian Fong Chi-hang, a political science scholar at the Hong Kong Institute of Education and a supporter of the democracy movement.

“The most important challenge is that even if they succeed in mobilizing a large-scale Occupy Central movement in a peaceful and orderly manner, they will finally get nothing,” he said. “We cannot change anything.”

But leaders of the movement expect to wage a protracted struggle nonetheless.

“This is a long, long cause,” said Chan Kin-man, an associate professor of sociology at the Chinese University of Hong Kong and co-founder of the movement, known in full as Occupy Central With Love and Peace. “Civil disobedience is the starting point. Look at what happened in Martin Luther King’s case.”

The mention of Martin Luther King Jr. is a sign of how some will "look to avatars of nonviolence":

[T]housands of people gathered in intermittent rain to protest a decision by China’s legislature to put firm restrictions on a plan to expand the franchise to allow all adults in the territory to vote for their leader, the chief executive.

The demonstrators, many of whom wore headbands emblazoned with the Chinese characters for “civil disobedience,” said they drew inspiration from thinkers and practitioners of nonviolent protest, including Henry David Thoreau, Gandhi, Nelson Mandela and Dr. King.

And this reminds me of something else I saw this past January: shirts for sale at Hong Kong's Lunar New Year Fair pro-democracy booths.

It wouldn't surprise me if the shirts are available again at next year's fairs.

A Decision in Beijing, A Response in Hong Kong

As part of upcoming voting reforms for Hong Kong, today Beijing announced it will maintain tight control over the selection of candidates for Hong Kong's chief executive. As The New York Times reports, although most Hongkongers desire more freedom in choosing their leader, much of the response will be guided by multiple concerns:

Opinion polls show that most Hong Kong citizens support the demand for “unfiltered” electoral choice, but also that many have qualms about possible disruption from protests.

The Chinese government and the Hong Kong political establishment have accused Occupy Central and allied groups of recklessly imperiling the city’s reputation for political stability and support for business. And many ordinary Hong Kong residents have voiced worry about any political conflict that could hurt their livelihoods.

But Occupy Central says it will engage in nonviolent civil disobedience calibrated to avoid major disruption. Its organizers have said that they do not plan to plunge immediately into any protests after the Chinese authorities announce their plans.

Beijing's decision was not surprising. What happens next, though, seems harder to predict.

See "Live blog: Occupy Central leader declares 'era of civil disobedience' for Hong Kong" on the South China Morning Post for some of tonight's initial response in Hong Kong.

A Hong Kong Sunset at the Cyberport Waterfront Park

Different Styles in Hong Kong

Near Sai Yeung Choi Street South in Mong Kok

They Can't Kill Us All: An Attack on an Editor in Hong Kong

In an earlier post about people voicing their desire for democracy at a Hong Kong Lunar New Year fair I wrote "But many Hongkongers are not content with the additional freedoms they enjoy, some of which are deteriorating or are threatened." The last part of the sentence linked to an article about journalists marching "through Hong Kong to oppose to what they say is the 'rapid deterioration' of freedom of speech."

Around the same time I was writing the post, there was darker news:

The former chief editor of a Hong Kong newspaper whose dismissal in January stirred protests about press freedom in the Chinese territory was slashed Wednesday morning, the police said.

Kevin Lau Chun-to, the former chief editor of Ming Pao, was slashed three times by an attacker who fled with an accomplice on a motorbike, said Simon Kwan King-pan, the chief inspector of the Hong Kong police. The attack happened shortly after 10 a.m. as Mr. Lau was walking from his car in the Sai Wan Ho neighborhood. Mr. Lau was listed in critical condition at a local hospital with a wound in his back and two in his legs, and doctors said he faced a long recovery.

Although the attackers remain unidentified, many in Hong Kong believe the target of the attack was not a coincidence. Hong Kong's South China Morning Post reported:

Two police sources said the nature of the attack on Lau left little doubt that it was designed as a warning.

One said: "If they had wanted to kill him, they would have." The other added: "It was a classic triad hit. They went for the back and legs to warn him."

Despite concerns the attackers will not be brought to justice, "Hong Kong journalists have vowed not to be intimidated". Journalism educator Yuen Chan documented some of the response from students at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.

Now at CUHK pic.twitter.com/I4DvHS0yar

— Yuen Chan (@xinwenxiaojie) February 27, 2014

Silence today is death tomorrow. Sign made by journalism students at CUHK after attack on their teacher Kevin Lau pic.twitter.com/S0jn08IDYN

— Yuen Chan (@xinwenxiaojie) February 27, 2014

The attack has received attention in Hong Kong, abroad, and to a degree in parts of mainland China, but it's a different story in Hong Kong's neighbor, Guangdong province:

News of the violent attack on former Ming Pao chief editor Kevin Lau Chun-to was conspicuously absent from Guangdong media yesterday because of a gagging order from the party censor, according to several editors.

Lau's condition has stabilized, and hopefully he makes a full recovery. But whether or not police identify the attackers and determine their motive, the vicious assault on Kevin Lau Chun-to has brought yet more uncertainty to Hong Kong.

Hong Kong Gets Crafty

After reaching the bottom of Hong Kong's convenient Central–Mid-Levels escalator and walkway system one day, I saw a man holding a sign.

I froze. Although Shanghai and Beijing have seen their craft beer scenes notably improve in recent years with places such as the Boxing Cat Brewery, Hong Kong had seemingly been left behind. This man gave me hope things had changed.

The man confirmed that HK Brewcraft sold craft beer in additional to brewing supplies and said the store was nearby. Having walked around the area on a number of occasions, I was surprised I could have missed it before. It turns out it is not so easy to notice--one of the reasons he was standing there with a sign. So he kindly escorted me to the street underneath the lowest level of the escalators.

And we entered a building.

After walking up one floor of stairs to an elevator (the elevator does not reach the ground floor) and taking it to the fourth floor, I met his son and store founder Christopher Wong.

His Washington Huskies shirt gave me hope our tastes would share some common ground. I took a look at their area for classes.

I also perused their selection of craft beers from around the world.

After enjoying a couple of tasty, hoppy beers I had never tried before, they recommended I visit a not-so-far-away bar to try a locally brewed beer. So I headed back up the escalators and found The Roundhouse - Taproom. Once there, I basked in the sight of their 25 craft beers on tap.

But I had come there for something specific, a beer from a new brewer in Hong Kong--Young Master Ales.

I chose their Island 1842 Imperial IPA and was not disappointed. Good hoppy stuff.

HK Brewcraft, The Roundhouse - Taproom, and Young Master Ales are all relatively new to the Hong Kong scene, and together with some others they mark a significant change that will make my stays in Hong Kong all the more pleasurable. I could opine further, but for more see a recent article on Time Out Hong Kong about "The Rise of Hong Kong's Brewing Scene". Apparently I'm not the only one enjoying the change.

I'm glad I saw Mr. Wong holding that sign.

Voices for Change and Democracy at a Hong Kong Fair

Booths selling flowers, food, stuffed toys, creatively designed bags, spices, and other items filled Hong Kong's Lunar New Year Fairs last month. The fairs I visited shared some similarities with one I visited 3 years ago in nearby Guangzhou. But one category of booths at Hong Kong's Victoria Park left no doubt that I could not be in mainland China.

At many of these booths, people used microphones to loudly express themselves and attract attention.

And volunteers handed out informational literature.

The booths' messages varied in some respects and the people running them ranged from student groups to political parties, but they held in common a belief that a select few unfairly controlled too much power and money in Hong Kong and that democracy could greatly benefit the Hong Kong people. With details for planned elections in 2017 soon to be announced, several weeks earlier people marched in support of full democracy for selecting Hong Kong's leader.

The booths sold items expressing messages in different manners and with varying degrees of explicitness. One notable item was toilet paper with current Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying's face printed on it.

The alpaca-like grass-mud horse--a symbol of protest against censorship in mainland China--was a popular offering, even at booths which overall did not appear political in nature.

Shirts with a variety of designs were also available.

For example, a large "Z" in one design represented the idea that people needed to "wake up" if they wanted democracy to take hold in Hong Kong.

One university student explained that the less explicit designs took into consideration the discomfort some in Hong Kong feel expressing themselves directly on such issues. On a related note, as I stood talking to one group of students, I observed a number of older passersby discreetly slipping money into donation boxes without saying a word, stopping, or making direct eye contact. The students made no effort to interact with these people, and there was no sign any acknowledgement was expected.

All of the organizations lead broader efforts, and they don't expect it will be easy. A few people told me they expect a substantial struggle will be required.

Much of what was occurring at these booths would not have been allowed at the Lunar New Year fair I saw in Guangzhou due to greater restrictions on expression, especially when organized, in mainland China. For me, the contrast was unmistakable. But many Hongkongers are not content with the additional freedoms they enjoy, some of which are deteriorating or are threatened. The 2017 election presents a dilemma for China's Communist Party: "shackling the territory’s democracy could pose as much risk to Beijing as agreeing to a truly free vote". It's not just about Hong Kong. People elsewhere are watching as well.

The people I met at Victoria Park face imposing obstacles. It's not clear whether they'll be able to rally the type of support and action that may be required to achieve their goals, if possible at all. It would be easy to bet against them.

But even though they may be unsure of what the future holds, they aren't saying, "I don't know a way to make it happen." They have hope, and they are trying.

A Drone Spotted in Hong Kong

In Nam Sang Wai, Yuen Long

I think the remote controlled vehicle in the air is a DJI quadcopter with a camera. Perhaps there's not much to spy on in Nam Sang Wai, but the open wetland area is probably safer for flying a quadcopter than dense urban areas of Hong Kong such as Mong Kok.

The Canal Road Flyover Public Restroom in Hong Kong

My experience at a public restroom under the Canal Road Flyover on Hong Kong Island highlighted some of the differences between the typical public restrooms I've encountered in Hong Kong and those I've encountered in mainland China. It also says something about how my perceptions can change. I'm reasonably sure that when I first came to China my focus would have been on other attributes of the restroom. So, for the first time ever here, a public restroom review:

Exhibit A: The outside of the public restroom

I didn't think much of the public restroom's appearance from the outside, though its location under an elevated road gave it a special ambience.

The surprises came inside.

Exhibit B: Inside a bathroom stall

My friends who have never left a country such as the US may have thought "Whoah, a squat toilet!"

I thought "Whoah, TWO rolls of toilet paper!"

In mainland China, most public restrooms I've seen* do not contain toilet paper. Exceptions are most common in upscale malls (and I'm being generous including these in the category "public restroom"). Typically, though, you need to bring your own toilet paper (small packs of tissues are standard) or buy some from somewhere nearby (sometimes at the public restroom itself).

In Hong Kong, toilet paper in public restrooms is a more common sight, but I noticed it is not a given in public restrooms at parks or sports grounds.

But two rolls of toilet paper in a squat toilet stall in a public rest room? This was a first for me in China.

After departing the stall, I had my second surprise.

Exhibit C: A sink

My friends who have never left a country such as the US may have thought "Whoah, the sink looks really grimy!"

I thought "Whoah, hand soap!"

In a country so concerned about contagious diseases such as the bird flu, it still amazes me that public bathrooms in mainland China typically do not have soap. Sometimes, public restrooms there will have an empty soap dispenser that shows signs of having been previously filled, perhaps when it was first installed. It's hard to know how long any soap may have lasted, since even when there is soap, I see very few people ever use it.

Summary: This public restroom is not going to win any glamour awards, but at the time I wasn't looking for anything glorious--just the basics. For a public restroom under a bridge in China, I give it a hearty salute for its toilet paper and soap. The automated water faucet is also nice, though those are rather common in China. The bathroom was one of the grimier I've experienced in Hong Kong, but that's exactly what made the toilet paper and hand soap all the more remarkable to me. And when it comes to a public restroom, I'll choose hand soap over a sparkling sink any day.

I'm sure readers familiar with China's public restrooms appreciate there is much more to say about them and there are nuances to some of my claims. Feel free to share your thoughts. There will be more on this topic later.


*Yes, for obvious reasons, the distribution of samples in my "research" leans heavily towards men's bathrooms.